Poll: Trump voters say racism against white Americans is a bigger problem than racism against Black Americans
The polling follows the dismissal of a lawsuit put forth by the survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre, which many saw as a potential blueprint for reparation efforts.
As public support for reparations for African Americans remains stubbornly low, a new Yahoo News/YouGov poll reveals one major roadblock: Donald Trump voters believe that racism against white Americans has become a bigger problem than racism against Black Americans.
The survey of 1,638 U.S. adults, which was conducted from July 13-17, shows that among 2020 Trump voters, 62% say that racism against Black Americans is a problem today — while 73% say that racism against white Americans is a problem.
Asked how much of a problem racism currently is, just 19% of Trump voters describe racism against Black Americans as a “big problem.” Twice as many (37%) say racism against white Americans is a big problem.
Trump voters and self-identified Republicans — overlapping but not identical cohorts — are the only demographic groups identified by Yahoo News and YouGov who are more likely to say racism against white Americans is a problem than to say the same about racism against Black Americans. A majority (51%) of white Americans, for instance, think racism against people who look like them is a problem — but overall, far more white Americans (72%) say racism against Black Americans is a problem.
Politics, in other words, is the dividing line here — and political dynamics go a long way toward explaining why reparations for Black Americans continue to be so unpopular in the U.S.
The new Yahoo News/YouGov poll follows the dismissal earlier this month of a lawsuit put forth by the three remaining survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre seeking reparations for ongoing harm caused by the racist rampage that destroyed their once-thriving majority-Black community a century ago. The trio of survivors had sued under Oklahoma’s public nuisance law, claiming that the ripple effects of the massacre continue to affect the Greenwood community today.
Many supporters saw the Oklahoma suit as a potential blueprint for reparation efforts around the country. But the latest ruling, which dismissed the case with prejudice — meaning it cannot be filed again — is seen as a stinging setback. The survivors and their attorneys have promised to appeal.
Yet the reality is that even with qualifications, most U.S. adults oppose reparations for Black Americans. According to the Yahoo News/YouGov poll, just a quarter of them (24%) say Black Americans should receive “restitution or reparations from the government — not necessarily direct cash payments — as a result of inequities caused by racism and slavery,” while 56% say they should not.
Support is only marginally higher (29%) when respondents are asked specifically about reparations for “descendants of enslaved Black Americans” rather than all "Black Americans." And even when questioned about reparations for the “three remaining survivors of the Tulsa race massacre” — that is, living people who were directly harmed by racial violence — less than half of Americans are in favor (45%). Most are either opposed (33%) or unsure (22%).
What happened in Tulsa?
The massacre at the center of the court case took place on May 31, 1921, when an angry white mob beat and killed hundreds of Black residents in Greenwood, which had earned the nickname “Black Wall Street” because of the success of its Black residents. Earlier that day, the Tulsa Tribune reported that a Black man had raped a white woman, although there were varying accounts of the incident. Confrontations between Black and white people broke out near the courthouse as the case was being heard.
Over the next two days, 35 city blocks went up in flames. There were widespread reports of looting and more than 1,250 homes burned; 300 people were killed and 800 others were injured as the white mobs outnumbered Black residents who were forced to retreat into the Greenwood district. Generations of Black progress were wiped out in less than 48 hours.
Property claims documenting $1.8 million worth of damage, the equivalent of about $27 million today, were deemed obsolete, according to a 2001 state commission report. With most insurance paperwork and bank documents lost in the riot, almost all Greenwood residents had no restitution for their homes or businesses, and couldn’t retrieve their funds from the banks.
The chief motive for the attack, experts say, was white resentment over Black advancement. But it’s translated into little restitution for what was lost.
The big political hurdle
To be clear, reparations for Black Americans are not particularly popular across the political spectrum. Republicans are opposed 84% to 8%; Independents are opposed 62% to 8%. Democrats favor reparations by a 21-point margin (49% to 28%) — but even that’s not majority support, and much of it is attributable to overwhelmingly pro-reparations sentiment (69% to 11%) among Black Americans themselves, who tend to identify as Democrats.
Among white Americans, meanwhile, just 17% say yes to reparations; 66% say no.
Still, the major outliers when it comes to race are on the right-wing. When asked how big a problem racism against Black Americans was in the past, Biden and Trump voters basically agree, with 93% of the former and 85% of the latter agreeing that it was a problem.
The disagreement is over whether it’s still a problem today — or rather, as Trump voters seem to believe, whether it’s less of a problem than racism against white Americans, which reparations, in their view, would only exacerbate. When Trump voters are asked why Black Americans shouldn’t receive reparations, the top answer isn’t that “racism never held Black Americans back” (13%); it’s that “racism is no longer holding Black Americans back” (62%). Reparations, they say, would only “increase racial divisions” (57%) because “other Americans have [also] faced inequities because of racism” (60%).
Similarly, Trump voters are the only group (other than Republicans at large) who are more likely than not to say there isn’t any “problem with systemic racism in America” (61%) and to disagree with the idea that “racism is not merely the product of individual bias or prejudice, but also something embedded in legal systems and policies” (55%) — issues that reparations are intended to ameliorate.
A pathway for reparations
Tatishe Nteta, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and director of the UMass Poll, who’s been surveying how Americans feel about reparations for two years, acknowledges the low popularity of reparations, but notes it’s bigger than public opinion.
“Reparations policy is not necessarily about public opinion,” Nteta told Yahoo News. “It’s about the recognition by a private institution, individuals or governments. It’s about atoning for the mistreatment directed at a particular group.”
Pointing to success at the local level in passing reparations initiatives and programs in progressive cities and towns like Evanston, Ill., Amherst, Mass. and Detroit, Nteta says that any racial and economic redress in those cities could create a domino effect, which could convince other more moderate cities and states to consider.
“If reparations achieves the goal of creating some level of racial equality, and the recipients of reparations are also happy with the atonement by whatever the institution is, then you could use this as a model going forward. You could find more moderate cities or moderate states passing reparations programs once you’ve seen the success in these smaller localities.”
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The Yahoo News survey was conducted by YouGov using a nationally representative sample of 1,638 U.S. adults interviewed online from July 13-17, 2023. The sample was weighted according to gender, age, race, education, 2020 election turnout and presidential vote, baseline party identification and current voter registration status. Demographic weighting targets come from the 2019 American Community Survey. Baseline party identification is the respondent’s most recent answer given prior to March 15, 2022, and is weighted to the estimated distribution at that time (32% Democratic, 27% Republican). Respondents were selected from YouGov’s opt-in panel to be representative of all U.S. adults. The margin of error is approximately 2.7%.
